With JV, Jinggoy, Pimentel fils, two Aquinos and Cayetano all gunning for the Senate, there's resentment about how the country's political affairs have been reduced to familial intramurals with public office constituting part of several family heirlooms. And the image of former President Estrada playing the role of a highhanded godfather in the selection of senatorial candidates also didn't help.
Senator Tatad was so incensed of the "mad and shallow family park" he had to pay the newspapers to publish a missive to the nation. There's no question politics here are sometimes mad and often shallow, but suggestions to ban dynasties are even madder. How does one define a dynasty? If we disallow one to run for office simply because one of his kin is already in politics, is that really just? We may be able to give the electorate more choices, but the sphere of individual freedom would be needlessly harmed.
All this talk about curtailing political dynasties is really impractical political engineering. It is disturbing though that while Koko Pimentel defends his right to run, he at the same time says if elected he would file a bill banning the relatives of the president from running. Eh, what's good for the gander not good enough for the goose?
The reason why families are fielding more and more of their family members (aside from the understable natural feeling of every parent to see his children follow in his footsteps) is that running for office is like getting married. Two formerly single unattached people discover in a marriage that both of them can easily live on the previous budget of one. Similarly, one family member running for office costs just about the same as two. For the price of one, a family therefore gets two. (Read Alex Magno on the electoral financing gap today). Seamless logic.
Perhaps another reason why many family members are flocking to politics is the relative drought of exciting things to do in this country. This also partly explains why many actors are now running for office; the local film industry is dead and the television is swarming with younger and younger faces prettier than you (pace Richard Gomez).
Seriously, let them all run and let the people decide. If the people prefer and vote for akin blood, tough luck but that's smaller gene pool and democracy for us.
Thursday, February 01, 2007
Saturday, January 20, 2007
The disappearing of local govt executives
National politics very rarely encroach on local politics. This is partly the reason why despite the unpalatability of the present national administration, there will be no candidates running against it in many provinces come May 2007.
In the rare instances when politics in the national level invade the local, it is usually to hunt down the local executives through the long arm of the law. When national and local officials face off, not even years of carefully nurtured patronage can save the local government executive (e.g. Governor Remulla's ignominious fall in 1995 in the hands of FVR's hatchet man, Epimaco Velasco).
Only the most thickheaded will believe that the recent spate in the dismissal and suspension of local government executives had nothing to do with national politics. It had everything to do with it. Take the case of Iloilo. The administration's anemic senatorial ticket will need all the votes it can get in May. Cebu can be relied upon to deliver once again. The administration's political machinery, given Ilonggo Secretary Gonzales's presence in the Arroyo Cabinet, is also strong in Iloilo, but the combined forces of Governor Tupas and Senator Drilon effectively neutralize Gonzales's sway in the province.
By removing Governor Tupas and busying him with legal drudgery , the field is now clear for Secretary Gonzales to do mano a mano with that other big shot in the province, Senator Drilon, and persuade his constituents to go for the administration's senatorial ticket. Without the Ombudsman's case against him, Governor Tupas is simply too strong for anybody (including Gonzales and one-time Iloilo gubernatorial hopeful Edu Manzano) to take on. But now that he has been hauled to court, the gubernatorial race, as Iloilo City Boy points out, has suddenly become wide open.
In the rare instances when politics in the national level invade the local, it is usually to hunt down the local executives through the long arm of the law. When national and local officials face off, not even years of carefully nurtured patronage can save the local government executive (e.g. Governor Remulla's ignominious fall in 1995 in the hands of FVR's hatchet man, Epimaco Velasco).
Only the most thickheaded will believe that the recent spate in the dismissal and suspension of local government executives had nothing to do with national politics. It had everything to do with it. Take the case of Iloilo. The administration's anemic senatorial ticket will need all the votes it can get in May. Cebu can be relied upon to deliver once again. The administration's political machinery, given Ilonggo Secretary Gonzales's presence in the Arroyo Cabinet, is also strong in Iloilo, but the combined forces of Governor Tupas and Senator Drilon effectively neutralize Gonzales's sway in the province.
By removing Governor Tupas and busying him with legal drudgery , the field is now clear for Secretary Gonzales to do mano a mano with that other big shot in the province, Senator Drilon, and persuade his constituents to go for the administration's senatorial ticket. Without the Ombudsman's case against him, Governor Tupas is simply too strong for anybody (including Gonzales and one-time Iloilo gubernatorial hopeful Edu Manzano) to take on. But now that he has been hauled to court, the gubernatorial race, as Iloilo City Boy points out, has suddenly become wide open.
Friday, December 29, 2006
Will blog again
I will be blogging again in 2007, so anytime now I'll probably be writing some weird stuff again on this blog.
I quit blogging last year for two reasons: 1) I was getting a lot of spam comments, my inbox swamped with advertisements; and 2) I was sounding like I was a big fan of the president (which I was-and am- not). The spam has stopped now and the political caterwauling has simmered down. It would be nice to start blogging again in a less poisoned blogosphere.
Happy new year!
I will be blogging again in 2007, so anytime now I'll probably be writing some weird stuff again on this blog.
I quit blogging last year for two reasons: 1) I was getting a lot of spam comments, my inbox swamped with advertisements; and 2) I was sounding like I was a big fan of the president (which I was-and am- not). The spam has stopped now and the political caterwauling has simmered down. It would be nice to start blogging again in a less poisoned blogosphere.
Happy new year!
Tuesday, October 25, 2005
Neologism
I got this from an e-mail:
1) garcify
a) to distort results
b) to cheat in an election
Used in a sentence: "The president was unable to evade allegations that she garcified her way to the highest office in the land." Or, "There are claims that the Philippines has become irreversibly garcified, claims which are becoming increasingly difficult to refute."
2) norberse
a) to be purposely obtuse
b) to obfuscate in an attempt to hide the truth
Used in a sentence: "The official remained norberse all through the hearing, leading many to think he was clumsily trying to protect someone." Or, "There is no truth to the claim that norbersity can be cured through the slow ingestion of potassium-laden bananas."
3) miriamphony
a) a verbose and lilting discourse during which the speaker drifts in and out of reality
Used in a sentence: "The senator perorated in the expected miriamphony as she once again sought to prove to all and sundry that she was not insane." Or "Her miriamphony fooled no one - she swiftly erased all remaining doubts about the state of her reason with her diatribe."
4) nogralese
a) manner of political discourse in which a speaker pretends to agree with one side for as long as they are useful to him.
Used in a sentence: "Day after day, the congressman mollified his opponents with his smooth and unctuous nogralese, catching the unwary by surprise when he later removed them from their posts." Or, "Even his friends begin to flee to remote locations once he starts spouting his nogralese."
5) joedevivre
a) a lifestyle which is devoted to always attempting to please others and never having to choose between right and wrong
Used in a sentence: "His joedevivre caused his eventual downfall, as the electorate finally saw him for what he truly was." Or, "His joedevivre forced him to consistently refuse to play a simple game of chess, because there are no gray areas on a chess board."
6) dequirose
a) having a Quixotic bent
b) used to describe one who is constantly vilified by critics for his insistence that all public officials must be held accountable, regardless of which sector of society they belong to or who they are connected to.
Used in a sentence: "Despite virulent ad hominem attacks, the writer remained dequirose, steadfast in his convictions."
1) garcify
a) to distort results
b) to cheat in an election
Used in a sentence: "The president was unable to evade allegations that she garcified her way to the highest office in the land." Or, "There are claims that the Philippines has become irreversibly garcified, claims which are becoming increasingly difficult to refute."
2) norberse
a) to be purposely obtuse
b) to obfuscate in an attempt to hide the truth
Used in a sentence: "The official remained norberse all through the hearing, leading many to think he was clumsily trying to protect someone." Or, "There is no truth to the claim that norbersity can be cured through the slow ingestion of potassium-laden bananas."
3) miriamphony
a) a verbose and lilting discourse during which the speaker drifts in and out of reality
Used in a sentence: "The senator perorated in the expected miriamphony as she once again sought to prove to all and sundry that she was not insane." Or "Her miriamphony fooled no one - she swiftly erased all remaining doubts about the state of her reason with her diatribe."
4) nogralese
a) manner of political discourse in which a speaker pretends to agree with one side for as long as they are useful to him.
Used in a sentence: "Day after day, the congressman mollified his opponents with his smooth and unctuous nogralese, catching the unwary by surprise when he later removed them from their posts." Or, "Even his friends begin to flee to remote locations once he starts spouting his nogralese."
5) joedevivre
a) a lifestyle which is devoted to always attempting to please others and never having to choose between right and wrong
Used in a sentence: "His joedevivre caused his eventual downfall, as the electorate finally saw him for what he truly was." Or, "His joedevivre forced him to consistently refuse to play a simple game of chess, because there are no gray areas on a chess board."
6) dequirose
a) having a Quixotic bent
b) used to describe one who is constantly vilified by critics for his insistence that all public officials must be held accountable, regardless of which sector of society they belong to or who they are connected to.
Used in a sentence: "Despite virulent ad hominem attacks, the writer remained dequirose, steadfast in his convictions."
Wednesday, October 19, 2005
Call for Innovative Ideas to Promote Development with Equity
In the Philippines, many are excluded from social and economic development because of their disadvantage in terms of income, assets and opportunities. Thus, the need for "Development with Equity", which means reducing inequality in order to provide greater opportunities to those with the least resources. Beyond income distribution, "Development with Equity" is also about greater access to services, infrastructure, power, influence and participation.
Panibagong Paraan (the Philippine Development Innovation Marketplace) is a multi-partner program that encourages and supports innovative ideas to promote "Development with Equity" in the Philippines. The program has two competitions:
Expression of Ideas Competition
Share your views on bringing about "Development with Equity"! Entries may be submitted in the form of policy proposals, essays, poetry, art work, song compositions, or multimedia presentations. Guidelines for the Expressions of Interest Competition will be announced later by the Panibagong Paraan 2006 Secretariat.
Project Grants Competition
Put your ideas to action! We are looking for innovative projects that address specific inequity issues. Winners will be provided grant funds of up to PhP1 million, to implement their projects over a one-year period. Guidelines for the Project Grants Competition are described below:
Who can apply?
* People's organizations, including community-based groups, sectoral associations and cooperatives
* Non-government organizations, foundations, civic organizations, faith-based and inter-faith organizations, and other civil society organizations (CSOs)
* Private and public research and academic institutions, in partnership with people's organizations or CSOs
* 5th and 6th class municipal LGUs (including barangays therein), in partnership with local people's organizations or CSOs
Panibagong Paraan 2004 and Global Development Marketplace winners are eligible to apply provided the proposed project is different from the previously-awarded project.
Categories (Equity issues to be addressed):
* Increasing incomes/income opportunities
* Improving access to social services, infrastructure and utilities (e.g., energy)
* Improving access to/control of land and other assets
* Improving access to/ensuring fairness in market and financial structures and systems
* Strengthening participation in decision-making (voice and influence)
* Improving access to/ensuring fairness in political and justice systems
Special award categories:
* Advocacy or Policy/Action Research on Population and Development
* Basic Infrastructure and Equipment for Education or Health
Target Groups:
* Indigenous peoples
* Women, men , and youth in difficult or disadvantaged situations
* Elderly
* Children
* Persons with disabilities
* People living with HIV/AIDS
* Commercial sex workers
* Farmers and fisherfolk
* Formal and informal laborers, migrant workers
* Communities in remote areas or that are usual victims of disaster
Project ideas will be judged on the basis of: Innovation, Scalability and Replicability, and Potential Impact.
Initial proposals should be in the form of a brief concept paper (maximum of four pages). A multi-sectoral technical working group will evaluate eligible concept papers.
Deadline for submission: November 30, 2005
Concept papers must be submitted with one or two reference documents (e.g., SEC registration, certification from the local government unit, accreditation with a regulatory agency) establishing proof of the organization's identity. Concept papers in English, Filipino or other major Philippine languages can be sent by mail or hand-delivered to:
Panibagong Paraan 2006 Secretariat
23/F Taipan Place, F. Ortigas Jr. Road, Ortigas Center, 1605 Pasig City
Finalists will be notified in February 2006 and will be asked to submit full proposals by April 2006. Finalists will be invited to participate in an Exhibit and Social Policy Forum to be held in May 2006 (details to be announced later). A board of distinguished jurors will determine the winners.
For further information, contact the Panibagong Paraan 2006 Secretariat at telephone numbers 917-3047 or 637-5855 local 3047.
Panibagong Paraan (the Philippine Development Innovation Marketplace) is a multi-partner program that encourages and supports innovative ideas to promote "Development with Equity" in the Philippines. The program has two competitions:
Expression of Ideas Competition
Share your views on bringing about "Development with Equity"! Entries may be submitted in the form of policy proposals, essays, poetry, art work, song compositions, or multimedia presentations. Guidelines for the Expressions of Interest Competition will be announced later by the Panibagong Paraan 2006 Secretariat.
Project Grants Competition
Put your ideas to action! We are looking for innovative projects that address specific inequity issues. Winners will be provided grant funds of up to PhP1 million, to implement their projects over a one-year period. Guidelines for the Project Grants Competition are described below:
Who can apply?
* People's organizations, including community-based groups, sectoral associations and cooperatives
* Non-government organizations, foundations, civic organizations, faith-based and inter-faith organizations, and other civil society organizations (CSOs)
* Private and public research and academic institutions, in partnership with people's organizations or CSOs
* 5th and 6th class municipal LGUs (including barangays therein), in partnership with local people's organizations or CSOs
Panibagong Paraan 2004 and Global Development Marketplace winners are eligible to apply provided the proposed project is different from the previously-awarded project.
Categories (Equity issues to be addressed):
* Increasing incomes/income opportunities
* Improving access to social services, infrastructure and utilities (e.g., energy)
* Improving access to/control of land and other assets
* Improving access to/ensuring fairness in market and financial structures and systems
* Strengthening participation in decision-making (voice and influence)
* Improving access to/ensuring fairness in political and justice systems
Special award categories:
* Advocacy or Policy/Action Research on Population and Development
* Basic Infrastructure and Equipment for Education or Health
Target Groups:
* Indigenous peoples
* Women, men , and youth in difficult or disadvantaged situations
* Elderly
* Children
* Persons with disabilities
* People living with HIV/AIDS
* Commercial sex workers
* Farmers and fisherfolk
* Formal and informal laborers, migrant workers
* Communities in remote areas or that are usual victims of disaster
Project ideas will be judged on the basis of: Innovation, Scalability and Replicability, and Potential Impact.
Initial proposals should be in the form of a brief concept paper (maximum of four pages). A multi-sectoral technical working group will evaluate eligible concept papers.
Deadline for submission: November 30, 2005
Concept papers must be submitted with one or two reference documents (e.g., SEC registration, certification from the local government unit, accreditation with a regulatory agency) establishing proof of the organization's identity. Concept papers in English, Filipino or other major Philippine languages can be sent by mail or hand-delivered to:
Panibagong Paraan 2006 Secretariat
23/F Taipan Place, F. Ortigas Jr. Road, Ortigas Center, 1605 Pasig City
Finalists will be notified in February 2006 and will be asked to submit full proposals by April 2006. Finalists will be invited to participate in an Exhibit and Social Policy Forum to be held in May 2006 (details to be announced later). A board of distinguished jurors will determine the winners.
For further information, contact the Panibagong Paraan 2006 Secretariat at telephone numbers 917-3047 or 637-5855 local 3047.
Thursday, October 13, 2005
Fiction magazine launching
Come to the STORY PHILIPPINES launch--Friday, October 14 at 6 pm onwards, A DIFFERENT BOOKSTORE, EASTWOOD City, Libis, QC. The launch is part of a Book Fair hosted by A Different Bookstore. The event will also feature a poetry reading by poet Marjorie Evasco and others. Be there and buy a copy of Story Philippines and get a chance to snag a shopping spree at A DIFFERENT BOOKSTORE.
STORY PHILIPPINES is the first magazine of its kind in the country. It offers the Filipino reader the most entertaining and interesting new short fiction by Filipino writers, presented in an intriguing tabloid format that boasts cutting edge design, illustration and photography.
The maiden issue features 7 new Philippine stories: a moving story of love, illness and death ("Losing Mac")by the famed Gilda Cordero- Fernando, an account of a healer "dwende" and his psychic handler ("The Life and Loves of Doc Dwende") by Sarge Lacuesta, and a stunning tale of a town blighted by a tragic curse ("Natakdan"), by David Hontiveros, among others.
The maiden issue of STORY PHILIPPINES is already in bookstores and newsstands around the metro.
STORY PHILIPPINES is the first magazine of its kind in the country. It offers the Filipino reader the most entertaining and interesting new short fiction by Filipino writers, presented in an intriguing tabloid format that boasts cutting edge design, illustration and photography.
The maiden issue features 7 new Philippine stories: a moving story of love, illness and death ("Losing Mac")by the famed Gilda Cordero- Fernando, an account of a healer "dwende" and his psychic handler ("The Life and Loves of Doc Dwende") by Sarge Lacuesta, and a stunning tale of a town blighted by a tragic curse ("Natakdan"), by David Hontiveros, among others.
The maiden issue of STORY PHILIPPINES is already in bookstores and newsstands around the metro.
Monday, September 26, 2005
Web prowl
Read about the moral decadence and sexual perversity of Simone de Beauvoir and Jean Paul Sartre and how they toyed with other people's hearts a la Les Liaisons Dangereuses. Vote for your favorite public intellectuals in this online poll sponsored by the magazines Foreign Policy and Prospect. From Nerve.com, an essay on why Nabokov's Lolita endures. The Financial Times profiles Paul Wolfowitz's work at the World Bank. The Ateneo de Manila University launched its "Discussing Politics" essay series with: Beyond Mere Leadership Change: Reviewing and Redesigning Electoral Institutions (pdf) by Millard Lim, From ‘Hello Garci’ to 1-800 COMELEC: Reinventing Electoral Administration in the Philippines (pdf) by Melissa Jayme Lao and Education for Sale (pdf) by Anne Candelaria.
Tuesday, September 20, 2005
Sukarno in his own words
I had no idea until today that Sukarno had an autobigraphy. But reading the following hilarious excerpts from it, where Sukarno refers to himself in the third person, I have to add it in my (alas, ever-lengthening) must-read list:
"The simplest way to describe Sukarno is to say that he is a great lover. He loves his country, he loves his people, he loves women, he loves art, and, best of all, he loves himself."
"Now, I must admit that in my youth I was so terribly handsome that I was almost girlish-looking. Because there were few female intellectuals in those days, there weren't many girl members and when Young Java put on a play I was always given the ingenue role. I actually put powder on my face and red on my lips. And I will tell you something, but I don't know what foreigners will think of a President who tells such things … Anyway, I will tell it. I bought two sweet breads. Round breads. Like rolls. And I stuffed them inside my blouse. With this addition to my shapely figure, everybody said I looked absolutely beautiful. Fortunately my part didn't call for kissing any boys on stage. I couldn't waste any money so after the show I pulled the breads out of my blouse and ate them."
"The simplest way to describe Sukarno is to say that he is a great lover. He loves his country, he loves his people, he loves women, he loves art, and, best of all, he loves himself."
"Now, I must admit that in my youth I was so terribly handsome that I was almost girlish-looking. Because there were few female intellectuals in those days, there weren't many girl members and when Young Java put on a play I was always given the ingenue role. I actually put powder on my face and red on my lips. And I will tell you something, but I don't know what foreigners will think of a President who tells such things … Anyway, I will tell it. I bought two sweet breads. Round breads. Like rolls. And I stuffed them inside my blouse. With this addition to my shapely figure, everybody said I looked absolutely beautiful. Fortunately my part didn't call for kissing any boys on stage. I couldn't waste any money so after the show I pulled the breads out of my blouse and ate them."
Friday, September 16, 2005
Web prowl
The Cato Institute has released its Economic Freedom of the World report. Walden Bello and John Rees discuss America's vulnerabilities. The novelist Carlos Fuentes on Cervantes, Kafka, and the saving grace of literature.
Thursday, September 15, 2005
OJT at the ABS-CBN
ABS-CBN Publishing, Inc. is accepting OJTs with the following courses:
Communication Arts
Journalism
Business Management
Accountancy
Marketing/ Advertising
Psychology/ Behavioral Science
Industrial Engineering
These are for our Editorial, Circulation, Finance, Marketing, Ad Sales, Business Development and HR Departments.
Kindly ask your referrals to forward their resumes, certificates of good moral character and recommendation letters to the ABS-CBN Publishing, Inc. office, located at the 4th floor of the ELJ Bldg. Mother Ignacia, Quezon City
Bingle E. Villanueva
Human Resources, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc.
4152272 loc 4666
Communication Arts
Journalism
Business Management
Accountancy
Marketing/ Advertising
Psychology/ Behavioral Science
Industrial Engineering
These are for our Editorial, Circulation, Finance, Marketing, Ad Sales, Business Development and HR Departments.
Kindly ask your referrals to forward their resumes, certificates of good moral character and recommendation letters to the ABS-CBN Publishing, Inc. office, located at the 4th floor of the ELJ Bldg. Mother Ignacia, Quezon City
Bingle E. Villanueva
Human Resources, ABS-CBN Publishing Inc.
4152272 loc 4666
Monday, September 12, 2005
Malaysian politics for dummies
I'm presently reading Cities of the Hot Zone: A Southeast Asian Adventure by Greg Sheridan, who writes for The Australian, and here is his "all-time disco guide to Malaysian politics and sociology":
PAS [Islamic Party] members don't go to discos, ever. Keadilan [Justice Party of Anwar Ibrahim] goes but doesn't drink alcohol. The DAP [Democratic Action Party of the Chinese] works hard all day, goes to the disco at night and gets drunk. The MIC [Malaysian Indian Congress] works in the disco. The MCA [Malaysian Chinese Association] owns the disco. UMNO [United Malays National Organization] owns the building the disco is in.
PAS [Islamic Party] members don't go to discos, ever. Keadilan [Justice Party of Anwar Ibrahim] goes but doesn't drink alcohol. The DAP [Democratic Action Party of the Chinese] works hard all day, goes to the disco at night and gets drunk. The MIC [Malaysian Indian Congress] works in the disco. The MCA [Malaysian Chinese Association] owns the disco. UMNO [United Malays National Organization] owns the building the disco is in.
Thursday, September 08, 2005
Now that it's (all but) over
I know that not a few people are relieved that the impeachment complaint against the president has finally been junked, not because they harbor a special fondness for Mrs. Arroyo but simply because it has all gone, er, tiresome. Sadly, even the quest for justice is susceptible to ennui. Ask Don Quixote.
For the opposition and its many supporters, their defeat is almost inexplicable, like like death--natural, yes, but still incomprehensible. How did they lose when they had almost everything one can wish for in impeaching a president? The Garci tapes are like manna from heaven PR-wise; the only thing that could possibly have topped it was a VCD sex scandal with the president in bed with a man not Mike A. (to which effect some in the opposition tried to insinuate, describing in one scandal sheet the sexual adventures of the allegedly nymphomaniac GMA).
What is so goddamn hard about ousting GMA? The extreme left and the perfumed class combined couldn't budge her. The Cory magic disintegrated before her. Even our hyperventilating and incendiary national dailies failed where in Erap's time they were execeptionally successful. Why, not even a daily-updated PCIJ blog with links to all and sundry revelations against Mrs Arroyo achieved quite the same impact as the outfit's erstwhile revelation of Erap's mansions. Why? Why, Oh why is Mrs. Arroyo so seemingly impregnable, like an unmoveable little barnacle off the bank of the Pasig River?
Simply because it is hard to vilify her. And you need this to manufacture outrage that can propel a People Power revolution(which FVR understood only too well). If anyone will bother to look inside the capital's student campuses, the present Anti-Gloria movement has failed to deliver enough buzz. Not enough students are talking about it. And you need students for People Power because they swell the crowds at a cheap cost and they don't need to go to work.
By President Arroyo's seeming weakness, it is hard to recruit forces against her (I think there is a suitable passage from the Tao Te Ching about this, which I'm too lazy to look for at the moment). Outrage is reserved for powerful personages. If you're small, people only laugh at your foibles (or make your embarrassments ringtone for their cellphones).
Personally, I am resigned (okay, I'll admit it, even a little elated) that this episode is finally winding up or at least not proceeding with the same crescendo as before. Unlike the Anti-Erap movement where some of us ended up looking good with our idealism, the anti-GMA is only portraying all of us in a bad light. Rather than leaving our hearts with comforting assurance as to the innate goodness of men, the anti-GMA alliances are only leaving a especially disturbing bad taste in the mouth: Ping Lacson linking arms with priests, Satur Ocampo dissuading proletarian farmers of Hacienda Luisita from protesting against their landlord, various socialites pretending to be "civil society," Butz Aquino invoking the memory Ninoy while sharing spotlight with the latter's murderers.
What now for the opposition? If God is truly on their side, as they claim He is, surely one year would not be so hard to bear before filing another impeachment complaint. Or if they really find Mrs Arroyo insufferable, well, I guess, they can always try a more adventurous-- and final--solution to the nation's predicament.
For the opposition and its many supporters, their defeat is almost inexplicable, like like death--natural, yes, but still incomprehensible. How did they lose when they had almost everything one can wish for in impeaching a president? The Garci tapes are like manna from heaven PR-wise; the only thing that could possibly have topped it was a VCD sex scandal with the president in bed with a man not Mike A. (to which effect some in the opposition tried to insinuate, describing in one scandal sheet the sexual adventures of the allegedly nymphomaniac GMA).
What is so goddamn hard about ousting GMA? The extreme left and the perfumed class combined couldn't budge her. The Cory magic disintegrated before her. Even our hyperventilating and incendiary national dailies failed where in Erap's time they were execeptionally successful. Why, not even a daily-updated PCIJ blog with links to all and sundry revelations against Mrs Arroyo achieved quite the same impact as the outfit's erstwhile revelation of Erap's mansions. Why? Why, Oh why is Mrs. Arroyo so seemingly impregnable, like an unmoveable little barnacle off the bank of the Pasig River?
Simply because it is hard to vilify her. And you need this to manufacture outrage that can propel a People Power revolution(which FVR understood only too well). If anyone will bother to look inside the capital's student campuses, the present Anti-Gloria movement has failed to deliver enough buzz. Not enough students are talking about it. And you need students for People Power because they swell the crowds at a cheap cost and they don't need to go to work.
By President Arroyo's seeming weakness, it is hard to recruit forces against her (I think there is a suitable passage from the Tao Te Ching about this, which I'm too lazy to look for at the moment). Outrage is reserved for powerful personages. If you're small, people only laugh at your foibles (or make your embarrassments ringtone for their cellphones).
Personally, I am resigned (okay, I'll admit it, even a little elated) that this episode is finally winding up or at least not proceeding with the same crescendo as before. Unlike the Anti-Erap movement where some of us ended up looking good with our idealism, the anti-GMA is only portraying all of us in a bad light. Rather than leaving our hearts with comforting assurance as to the innate goodness of men, the anti-GMA alliances are only leaving a especially disturbing bad taste in the mouth: Ping Lacson linking arms with priests, Satur Ocampo dissuading proletarian farmers of Hacienda Luisita from protesting against their landlord, various socialites pretending to be "civil society," Butz Aquino invoking the memory Ninoy while sharing spotlight with the latter's murderers.
What now for the opposition? If God is truly on their side, as they claim He is, surely one year would not be so hard to bear before filing another impeachment complaint. Or if they really find Mrs Arroyo insufferable, well, I guess, they can always try a more adventurous-- and final--solution to the nation's predicament.
Tuesday, September 06, 2005
Jop opening
DLS-CSB is looking for design and arts professionals
As it prepares to expand its degree programs, the School of Design and Arts (SDA) of De La Salle-College of Saint Benilde is in search of professionals who enjoy interacting with creative young adults as mentors and as fellow designers and artists. The SDA needs men and women with competence in any design and arts field and preferably in the following areas:
• Graphic Design
• 2D and 3D Animation
• Web Design
• Interactive Authoring
• Photography
• Technical Theater
• Philosophy of Aesthetics
• Production Design
• Fashion Design
• History of Art and Design
• Professional Practice for Design and Arts
• Sound Design
Qualifications: A Bachelors Degree from a design and arts field, preferably with a Masters degree plus a minimum of three years professional experience. Contacted applicants should present a portfolio of works and be available for a teaching demonstration.
Please send an application letter, curriculum vitae, copy of transcript of records and 3 pcs. 2x2 photos to:
Tet Lamarca
School of Design and Arts
De La Salle-College of Saint Benilde
2544 Taft Avenue, Manila
Telefax: 526-7441 loc. 181 / 123
lamarcat@dls-csb.edu.ph
As it prepares to expand its degree programs, the School of Design and Arts (SDA) of De La Salle-College of Saint Benilde is in search of professionals who enjoy interacting with creative young adults as mentors and as fellow designers and artists. The SDA needs men and women with competence in any design and arts field and preferably in the following areas:
• Graphic Design
• 2D and 3D Animation
• Web Design
• Interactive Authoring
• Photography
• Technical Theater
• Philosophy of Aesthetics
• Production Design
• Fashion Design
• History of Art and Design
• Professional Practice for Design and Arts
• Sound Design
Qualifications: A Bachelors Degree from a design and arts field, preferably with a Masters degree plus a minimum of three years professional experience. Contacted applicants should present a portfolio of works and be available for a teaching demonstration.
Please send an application letter, curriculum vitae, copy of transcript of records and 3 pcs. 2x2 photos to:
Tet Lamarca
School of Design and Arts
De La Salle-College of Saint Benilde
2544 Taft Avenue, Manila
Telefax: 526-7441 loc. 181 / 123
lamarcat@dls-csb.edu.ph
Saturday, September 03, 2005
'Separate but equal' Mangyans of Mindoro
At the Oriental Mindoro Provincial Hospital, Mangyan patients are maintained in a separtate ward because other patients complain of their presence (and their allegedly foul smell).
Upon first hearing this, we, of course, thought this was an unforgivable instance of racial discrimination, reeking of American "separate but equal" maintainance of exclusive facilities for blacks. But the doctor assured us that this arrangement worked for the advantage of the Mangyans: They ended up getting better service. True enough, the Mangyan ward, which sits on top of a hill, is more airy, more spacious, and better maintained than the regular wards which are cramped, dank and altogether not that well-ventilated. The Mangyan ward even has its own kitchen!
I still don't know what to think of this arrangement. Is this patronizing for indigenous peoples? Or are we just over-politicizing an arrangement that people of Mindoro otherwise find natural? In any case, Mangyans in that hospital seem to be enjoying quite a preferential treatment that people of lighter color should probaly complain.
Upon first hearing this, we, of course, thought this was an unforgivable instance of racial discrimination, reeking of American "separate but equal" maintainance of exclusive facilities for blacks. But the doctor assured us that this arrangement worked for the advantage of the Mangyans: They ended up getting better service. True enough, the Mangyan ward, which sits on top of a hill, is more airy, more spacious, and better maintained than the regular wards which are cramped, dank and altogether not that well-ventilated. The Mangyan ward even has its own kitchen!
I still don't know what to think of this arrangement. Is this patronizing for indigenous peoples? Or are we just over-politicizing an arrangement that people of Mindoro otherwise find natural? In any case, Mangyans in that hospital seem to be enjoying quite a preferential treatment that people of lighter color should probaly complain.
Wednesday, August 24, 2005
Web prowl
The World bank has started blogging on Private Sector Development. From the New York magazine, here's Bill Clinton's plan for world domination and a profile of James Goodrich, the doctor who operated on the Aguirres, the Filipino craniopagus twins. Jeffrey Sacks asks in the Scientific American: Can Extreme Poverty Be Eliminated? The edited confeence papers from The Future of Globalization conference at Yale are now published online, including presentations from De Soto, Stiglitz and Bhagwati. If you are looking for Chinese, Korean and Japanese videos, music, books and comics but don't know where to look, despair no longer for here's yesasia.com.
Wednesday, August 17, 2005
Turd world service
Last week, I requested via Singapore's tourism website some materials on the country's tourist attractions. I was planning to see Singapore for two days (as a side tour from Malaysia) and was trying to work out a time-efficient itinerary.
I filled up the online form on the website on a Sunday night. I wasn't really expecting they would take my request seriously; I even had doubts whether the online form would actually reach someone on the other end. On Tuesday night, upon arriving at home, I was dumbfounded to receive a big pouch of Singapore guidebooks, various pamphlets (of excellent glossy quality) on the city-state's parks, walking guides to Chinatown and Little India, a complete guide to cultural events for the whole year of 2005, and a map of Singapore. I've read many things about the ruthless efficiency of the Singaporean government, but I didn't know it was this efficient. Imagine if you were to request the same information from our own Department of Tourism, do you think you'll get the same efficiency? I bet the only reply you'll get is that your e-mail has bounced.
I was thinking about Singaporean efficiency because of what happened yesterday. I called the Bills and Index section of the Philippine Senate to request copies of three bills. The man on the other line told me that, no, they don't e-mail and neither fo they fax copies. If I want them, I should go to the GSIS building myself. I was so shocked that I couldn't speak. Perhaps the other man on the phone sensed my shock because he said, in a consoling tone, that, in any case, the copies are free, I only need to get there personally.
An officemate said she would try to get copies through the committee. The committee was hesitant to send at first because it said it already sent copies to some NGO people. But after some chika and cajoling and beseeching, she was able to secure a promise from the committee that it would at least try to send copies. During that same afternoon the copies did arrive--personally delivered. Not faxed nor e-mailed, but personally delivered.
I really felt sad about this. In order to get copies, must we necessarily invoke special privilege or express a special request, and appeal to the better nature of the staff at the Senate? Why can not the Bills and Index section provide copies as a matter of course to any citizen that may register a request.
What if, for example, someone from Mindanao want those copies, must he go to imperial Manila just to get them? The committee also could have simply e-mailed them. There was no need to personally deliver them at the office. It was one big waste of time for the Senate's courier.
Why can our government not be more like Singapore's in providing efficient service? Singaporeans, in general, are brighter than us, I know, but surely we could do something to become comparable if not equal. Oh, well, I should probably stop making this comparison. It just keeps making me feel wretched. Aargh.
I filled up the online form on the website on a Sunday night. I wasn't really expecting they would take my request seriously; I even had doubts whether the online form would actually reach someone on the other end. On Tuesday night, upon arriving at home, I was dumbfounded to receive a big pouch of Singapore guidebooks, various pamphlets (of excellent glossy quality) on the city-state's parks, walking guides to Chinatown and Little India, a complete guide to cultural events for the whole year of 2005, and a map of Singapore. I've read many things about the ruthless efficiency of the Singaporean government, but I didn't know it was this efficient. Imagine if you were to request the same information from our own Department of Tourism, do you think you'll get the same efficiency? I bet the only reply you'll get is that your e-mail has bounced.
I was thinking about Singaporean efficiency because of what happened yesterday. I called the Bills and Index section of the Philippine Senate to request copies of three bills. The man on the other line told me that, no, they don't e-mail and neither fo they fax copies. If I want them, I should go to the GSIS building myself. I was so shocked that I couldn't speak. Perhaps the other man on the phone sensed my shock because he said, in a consoling tone, that, in any case, the copies are free, I only need to get there personally.
An officemate said she would try to get copies through the committee. The committee was hesitant to send at first because it said it already sent copies to some NGO people. But after some chika and cajoling and beseeching, she was able to secure a promise from the committee that it would at least try to send copies. During that same afternoon the copies did arrive--personally delivered. Not faxed nor e-mailed, but personally delivered.
I really felt sad about this. In order to get copies, must we necessarily invoke special privilege or express a special request, and appeal to the better nature of the staff at the Senate? Why can not the Bills and Index section provide copies as a matter of course to any citizen that may register a request.
What if, for example, someone from Mindanao want those copies, must he go to imperial Manila just to get them? The committee also could have simply e-mailed them. There was no need to personally deliver them at the office. It was one big waste of time for the Senate's courier.
Why can our government not be more like Singapore's in providing efficient service? Singaporeans, in general, are brighter than us, I know, but surely we could do something to become comparable if not equal. Oh, well, I should probably stop making this comparison. It just keeps making me feel wretched. Aargh.
Thursday, August 11, 2005
The caretaker government of a thousand days
Earlier this afternoon, I attended a forum at Miriam College on the caretaker government being proposed by some sectors calling for the ouster of President Arroyo. Among the panel of discussants were Liwayway Vinzons-Chato, representing the Unity for Truth and Justice and Carol Araullo of BAYAN. The audience was more or less of the leftist persuasion.
According to Vinzons-Chato, the caretaker council, which will exercise executive and legislative functions, would last, a la Arabian Nights, a thousand days and no more. The people who will sit in the council will be determined based on their performance in the anti-GMA struggle. Araullo said she envisions a multisectoral caretaker council, with 100 members more or less. Vinzons-Chato, however, seems to prefer a leaner caretaker council. The council, according to the coalition's primer, would institute "essential reforms that are the precondition for the holding of free and fair elections, and urgent economic and social reforms." Vinzons-Chato also referred to the council's drafting a temporary proclamation akin to President Aquino's Freedom Constitution during her 1986 transition government. The members of the council would disqualify nor seek a cabinet position in the government that will be ushered by the council through fair and free elections.
Personally, I have serious doubts that a caretaker government will do the trick and save the Filipino people from its dysfunctional politicians, and, in the words of the Unity for Truth coalition, "clean up the mess Gloria will leave behind." The Unity for Truth's proposal for a caretaker government would probably go the way of SANLAKAS's Resign All call during EDSA 2--that is, ignored and marginalized. And the Unity for Truth, of course, is working under the presumption that President Aroyo can indeed be ousted--which is, to be honest about it, not yet a foregone conclusion, making the caretaker council harder to sell to the Filipino public.
And speaking of the sellability of this caretaker council--its proponents, alas, do not have a concrete platform of action. The caretaker council will only be convened after Arroyo has been ousted. When people buy something, they naturally would want to see its specifications. For people to want a revolutionary caretaker council, they must know who will make it up and what are they going to do. To present a nebulous platform of reform is not enough especially for a coalition aiming to transform the politics in the country. This is a very serious strategic problem proponents of the caretaker council should remedy at the soonest possible time. We have had Cory Aquino's revolutionary government before, and pray tell, where did it take us?
Also, are a thousand days enough? Sheherezade might have managed to save her pretty head in that time span, but a thousand days seem to be such a short time to institute essential reforms, especially given the intractability of the country's problems. If it is serious in transforming society, the caretaker council would need a lot more time than a thousand days.
Vinzons-Chato says that the primary goal of the council would be to insititute truly free and fair elections. I honestly don't see how free and fair elections would be able to make dramatic political change. While irregularities are quite numerous in Philippine elections, it is not true that elective positions are habitually stolen or bought. How else are we going to explain our colorful and heated campaign season if election results are indeed made-to-order?
The problem is that people keep on electing officials who steal from them because of our perverse patronage system. I remember one household help who had this rather intense hatred against Mayor Jesse Robredo of Naga City, a local government superstar and Ramon Magsaysay awardee for government service, simply because Villafuerte, Robredo's rival, paid for her sister's hospital fees and burial.
As long as people think of politicians as social insurance, we would have no peace in this country. The more important reform, in my opinion, would be the strengthening of our social insurance institutions so that our people are weaned from their dependency on politicians for their KBL needs. President Arroyo followed Thailand Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's "one village one product" concept, but she missed his populist 100-baht universal hospital charge for the people. (Well, she distributed Philhealth cards alright, but that hardly counts.)
It is doubtful that a caretaker government would be effective in pursuing its goals. Its purported future members would, I presume, come from so-called untainted members of the civil society. The problem with civil society members as governing council is that they are inexperienced. They may think they know all the ropes, but so did Aprodicio Lacquian who famously quipped he has seen all politics. Governing is simply not the same thing as advocacy. Exhibit number one: Jimmy Carter--disastrous president, exemplary advocate.
Come to seriously think about it, a caretaker government would be a hard sell for the Unity of Truth coalition. But, I guess, as the Bible says, those who toil will be rewarded.
According to Vinzons-Chato, the caretaker council, which will exercise executive and legislative functions, would last, a la Arabian Nights, a thousand days and no more. The people who will sit in the council will be determined based on their performance in the anti-GMA struggle. Araullo said she envisions a multisectoral caretaker council, with 100 members more or less. Vinzons-Chato, however, seems to prefer a leaner caretaker council. The council, according to the coalition's primer, would institute "essential reforms that are the precondition for the holding of free and fair elections, and urgent economic and social reforms." Vinzons-Chato also referred to the council's drafting a temporary proclamation akin to President Aquino's Freedom Constitution during her 1986 transition government. The members of the council would disqualify nor seek a cabinet position in the government that will be ushered by the council through fair and free elections.
Personally, I have serious doubts that a caretaker government will do the trick and save the Filipino people from its dysfunctional politicians, and, in the words of the Unity for Truth coalition, "clean up the mess Gloria will leave behind." The Unity for Truth's proposal for a caretaker government would probably go the way of SANLAKAS's Resign All call during EDSA 2--that is, ignored and marginalized. And the Unity for Truth, of course, is working under the presumption that President Aroyo can indeed be ousted--which is, to be honest about it, not yet a foregone conclusion, making the caretaker council harder to sell to the Filipino public.
And speaking of the sellability of this caretaker council--its proponents, alas, do not have a concrete platform of action. The caretaker council will only be convened after Arroyo has been ousted. When people buy something, they naturally would want to see its specifications. For people to want a revolutionary caretaker council, they must know who will make it up and what are they going to do. To present a nebulous platform of reform is not enough especially for a coalition aiming to transform the politics in the country. This is a very serious strategic problem proponents of the caretaker council should remedy at the soonest possible time. We have had Cory Aquino's revolutionary government before, and pray tell, where did it take us?
Also, are a thousand days enough? Sheherezade might have managed to save her pretty head in that time span, but a thousand days seem to be such a short time to institute essential reforms, especially given the intractability of the country's problems. If it is serious in transforming society, the caretaker council would need a lot more time than a thousand days.
Vinzons-Chato says that the primary goal of the council would be to insititute truly free and fair elections. I honestly don't see how free and fair elections would be able to make dramatic political change. While irregularities are quite numerous in Philippine elections, it is not true that elective positions are habitually stolen or bought. How else are we going to explain our colorful and heated campaign season if election results are indeed made-to-order?
The problem is that people keep on electing officials who steal from them because of our perverse patronage system. I remember one household help who had this rather intense hatred against Mayor Jesse Robredo of Naga City, a local government superstar and Ramon Magsaysay awardee for government service, simply because Villafuerte, Robredo's rival, paid for her sister's hospital fees and burial.
As long as people think of politicians as social insurance, we would have no peace in this country. The more important reform, in my opinion, would be the strengthening of our social insurance institutions so that our people are weaned from their dependency on politicians for their KBL needs. President Arroyo followed Thailand Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's "one village one product" concept, but she missed his populist 100-baht universal hospital charge for the people. (Well, she distributed Philhealth cards alright, but that hardly counts.)
It is doubtful that a caretaker government would be effective in pursuing its goals. Its purported future members would, I presume, come from so-called untainted members of the civil society. The problem with civil society members as governing council is that they are inexperienced. They may think they know all the ropes, but so did Aprodicio Lacquian who famously quipped he has seen all politics. Governing is simply not the same thing as advocacy. Exhibit number one: Jimmy Carter--disastrous president, exemplary advocate.
Come to seriously think about it, a caretaker government would be a hard sell for the Unity of Truth coalition. But, I guess, as the Bible says, those who toil will be rewarded.
Tuesday, August 09, 2005
Opposition, we have a problem
The joke around town is that the opposition has a witness training academy and that the Arroyo administration has a witness prevention program. With witnesses dancing the cha-cha-cha--although unfortunately not in the way FVR had in mind--what are we to think? Bearing witness in this country, law on perjury and libel notwithstanding, is taken so lightly that I would not be surprised if any moment now someone turn up in the Senate and testify to Garcillano's having been abducted by an alien spaceship. Where the hell is that man anyway?
Whether the opposition would admit it or not, it is now President Arroyo who has the upper hand. Back from the abyss of that week when Cory Aquino and the Makati Business Club called for her resignation, President Arroyo's strategy--including her rather exemplary witness prevention program--seems to be doing just fine.
The slow trickle of witnesses being presented in the congressional investigations only tend to contribute in the public perception that the opposition has indeed a witness training academy. It would be better for the opposition to present these other corroborating witnesses during the impeachment trial itself where they would produce the necessary "damning effect" against the president. Right now, the slow parade of witnesses is only immunizing President Arroyo against other future accusations. When and if the impeachment trial comes, the middle-class urbanite public may be so fatigued by the same accusations rehashed for the trial that the outrage prequisite to a People Power demonstration --the opposition's preferred option of unseating President Arroyo-- may simply not materialize at Ortigas.
The impeachment kindling point for President Arroyo, the opposition discovered too late, is much higher that that of Estrada. The middle classes and the conservative forces in Philippine politics started with much prejudice against Estrada that they were only too glad to find a valid reason to wash their hands of him. PR-wise, it is simply much easier to caricature as evil a corpulent mustached actor with a legendary libido than a diminutive lady economist with a cute voice on the phone.
Whether the opposition would admit it or not, it is now President Arroyo who has the upper hand. Back from the abyss of that week when Cory Aquino and the Makati Business Club called for her resignation, President Arroyo's strategy--including her rather exemplary witness prevention program--seems to be doing just fine.
The slow trickle of witnesses being presented in the congressional investigations only tend to contribute in the public perception that the opposition has indeed a witness training academy. It would be better for the opposition to present these other corroborating witnesses during the impeachment trial itself where they would produce the necessary "damning effect" against the president. Right now, the slow parade of witnesses is only immunizing President Arroyo against other future accusations. When and if the impeachment trial comes, the middle-class urbanite public may be so fatigued by the same accusations rehashed for the trial that the outrage prequisite to a People Power demonstration --the opposition's preferred option of unseating President Arroyo-- may simply not materialize at Ortigas.
The impeachment kindling point for President Arroyo, the opposition discovered too late, is much higher that that of Estrada. The middle classes and the conservative forces in Philippine politics started with much prejudice against Estrada that they were only too glad to find a valid reason to wash their hands of him. PR-wise, it is simply much easier to caricature as evil a corpulent mustached actor with a legendary libido than a diminutive lady economist with a cute voice on the phone.
Saturday, August 06, 2005
A good man in politics
Today's Philippine Daily Inquirer has for its front page a rather large picture of Senator Raul Roco gesticulating behind a lectern, with the following words from the late senator prominently superimposed on the picture:
When I was 20, I wanted to change the world; at 30, I wanted to change my country; at 60, I realized I wanted only to change myself.
The news report didn't say specifically during which occasion Senator Roco uttered the words. But what could he have meant with that cryptic statement? Did Sen. Roco grow old to be a selfish man ? Because if you seek the literal meaning of the sentence, that's what it says. Was Sen. Roco's political life a case of narrowing altruism?
I think Sen. Roco must have wanted to to use the verb can rather than the verb want, but settled on the latter because using the former would sound defeatist for a presidentiable. The sentence, as I think Sen. Roco must have truly meant, is:
When I was 20, I thought I could change the world; at 30, I thought I could change my country; at 60, I realized I could only hope to change myself.
The Filipino people should have elected Sen. Roco as president back in 1998 when he was still healthy. Among our politicians in the national stage, it's only Roco--only he--who has managed to emerge as a decent and magnanimous man. It is the saddest commentary on our country's politics that a man who seemed infinitely superior could miserably lose to petty middlings. Think about it: A good man in politics is a failure.
When I was 20, I wanted to change the world; at 30, I wanted to change my country; at 60, I realized I wanted only to change myself.
The news report didn't say specifically during which occasion Senator Roco uttered the words. But what could he have meant with that cryptic statement? Did Sen. Roco grow old to be a selfish man ? Because if you seek the literal meaning of the sentence, that's what it says. Was Sen. Roco's political life a case of narrowing altruism?
I think Sen. Roco must have wanted to to use the verb can rather than the verb want, but settled on the latter because using the former would sound defeatist for a presidentiable. The sentence, as I think Sen. Roco must have truly meant, is:
When I was 20, I thought I could change the world; at 30, I thought I could change my country; at 60, I realized I could only hope to change myself.
The Filipino people should have elected Sen. Roco as president back in 1998 when he was still healthy. Among our politicians in the national stage, it's only Roco--only he--who has managed to emerge as a decent and magnanimous man. It is the saddest commentary on our country's politics that a man who seemed infinitely superior could miserably lose to petty middlings. Think about it: A good man in politics is a failure.
Monday, August 01, 2005
Romeo and Juliet jologsified
Working from the Filipino translation done by the late Rolando Tinio, Tanghalang Pilipino presents R’meo luvs Dew-Lhiett, a jologsified version of the classic play by Shakespeare. The play is set in the slums of Barangay Verona, the characters don ukay-ukay clothes, and the fights are done with balisong and chako. And Dew-Lhiett soliloquizes thus:
Nakita mo sanang pag-blush ko kung di lang madilim Sa dami nang narinig mong sinabi kong sweet nothing. Wish ko lang sana makapagpakipot— Wish ko lang nabawi pa ‘yung love quote, Pero what’s the point, pa-cute pa ba ang emote?
I'm curious how this presentation will integrate the presence of cellphones (it says in the Manila Times report that cellphones will feature in the play). I have always thought that the tragedy (some say the farce) in Romeo and Juliet would have been easily solved had the lovers only been equipped with mobile phones--a couple of text messages and the fatal miscommunication between the two lovers is gone. If you are interested to watch the play--I myself am seriously thinking of hauling myself to Manila--here's the info you need:
R’meo luvs Dew-Lhiett goes on stage on August 5, 6, 19, 20, 26 and 27 at 8 p.m., with matinee shows on August 6, 7, 20, 21, 27 and 28 at the Tanghalang Aurelio V. Tolentino (CCP Little Theater). It goes on a second run on September 9, 10, 16 and 17 at 8 p.m, with matinee shows on September 10, 11, 17 and 18 at the Tanghalang Huseng Batute (CCP Studio Theater). For tickets, call Tanghalang Pilipino at 832-3661, 832-1125 or TicketWorld at 891-9999.
TICKETS:
Regular P300
Student P200
Senior Citizen P240
Nakita mo sanang pag-blush ko kung di lang madilim Sa dami nang narinig mong sinabi kong sweet nothing. Wish ko lang sana makapagpakipot— Wish ko lang nabawi pa ‘yung love quote, Pero what’s the point, pa-cute pa ba ang emote?
I'm curious how this presentation will integrate the presence of cellphones (it says in the Manila Times report that cellphones will feature in the play). I have always thought that the tragedy (some say the farce) in Romeo and Juliet would have been easily solved had the lovers only been equipped with mobile phones--a couple of text messages and the fatal miscommunication between the two lovers is gone. If you are interested to watch the play--I myself am seriously thinking of hauling myself to Manila--here's the info you need:
R’meo luvs Dew-Lhiett goes on stage on August 5, 6, 19, 20, 26 and 27 at 8 p.m., with matinee shows on August 6, 7, 20, 21, 27 and 28 at the Tanghalang Aurelio V. Tolentino (CCP Little Theater). It goes on a second run on September 9, 10, 16 and 17 at 8 p.m, with matinee shows on September 10, 11, 17 and 18 at the Tanghalang Huseng Batute (CCP Studio Theater). For tickets, call Tanghalang Pilipino at 832-3661, 832-1125 or TicketWorld at 891-9999.
TICKETS:
Regular P300
Student P200
Senior Citizen P240
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
Posts
